Radical deconcentration

November 8, 2005 | Federal funding, Housing, New Orleans, Slums, US News

Even as Paris suffers through the hideous consequences of malignant income over-­concentration, back home Hurricane Katrina has done what three decades of well-meaning urban social policy could not: it has decisively and permanently deconcentrated poverty from Old New Orleans.   

 

Public_housing_hano

New Orleans public housing, 2001

 

Old New Orleans was one of the nation’s sickest cities, with declining population, a shrinking employment base, high poverty (23%), and high unemployment (15%):

 

Of the 49 metropolitan areas with a Census 2000 population of 1 million or more … the highest jobless rates among the large areas were recorded in New Orleans-Metairie-Kenner, LA, 14.8% ….

 

The largest over-the-year unemployment rate increase was reported by New Orleans-Metairie-Kenner, La. (+10.6 percentage points).  No other large area had a rate increase greater than 0.9 percentage point.

 

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Public housing in Old New Orleans … if you lived here, you and your home would both be gone by now

 

In terms of economic demography, Katrina did two things simultaneously:

 

  1. Scattered the poor across the country.
  2. Created an unprecedented labor opportunity for those in the building trades.

 

Who comes back first?  


Those who are mobile: the affluent and the economically hungry.  If you wave money, they will come, as this New York Times article reports:

 

Workers from all over have been pouring into Louisiana, some bused in by contracting companies, others simply turning up on their own in search of jobs. While nobody seems to know how many are here, there is plenty of work; the federal government estimates it will spend more than $450 million just to clean up hurricane debris.

 

Who comes is not who left, as demonstrated by this story in the Chicago Tribune:

 

NEW ORLEANS, November 3 — Every day throughout the French Quarter and downtown, the ranks of deeply tanned, Spanish-speaking men in soiled clothing grow and become more visible amid the ruin.


The work that has brought them here is neither glamorous nor high-paying:

 

NYT_nno_migrant

Jose L. Garcia, right, and fellow workers originally from the Mexican state of Michoacan get $10 for every refrigerator they throw out.

 

Jose L. Garcia and five of his friends were camping recently under a live oak tree, sharing three tents, eating food from a church kitchen and bathing in a plastic garbage can.  The men live in Charlotte, N.C., but said most of them knew one other from the Mexican state of Michoacan.

 

Behind their pickup trucks were two large trailers, which the men use to transport debris to a dump. They get $10 for every reeking refrigerator they throw out, Mr. Garcia said, but they do not want to do that work anymore - it makes them smell too bad.

 

Even as the Latinos arrive, many Old New Orleanians will not return:

 

As more Latinos move into the region, a September survey found that most New Orleans evacuees in Houston, a large percentage of them black, didn’t plan to return.

The change is visible:

 

Louisiana has only a small Spanish-speaking population, which is concentrated in and around Kenner. New Orleans itself is 3.1% Hispanic, according to the latest census, and the state as a whole is just 2.4%, far less than the national average of 12.5%. Therefore many of the newcomers stand out.

 

The situation is new to Louisiana, which has little tradition of attracting large numbers of transient workers, unlike Florida and other booming areas, said Mark Zandi, chief economist for Economy.com. The stagnant economy here has not provided many job opportunities since 2001.

 

As a result, not only will New New Orleans be considerably smaller than Old New Orleans, it will be far more Hispanic and far less black:

 

The swelling numbers of Hispanic migrant laborers, legal or not, have raised political tensions. A Tulane University historian speaks of a possible “population swap” between the city’s evacuated black population and its new Latino workforce. 

 

The gap between job demand and housing supply is also defining who comes (those who do not mind living …) and who doesn’t:

 

The complaints also reflect the widespread frustration over the continuing lack of housing in the area.  Tens of thousands of houses were destroyed by Hurricanes Katrina and Rita, leaving their former residents adrift.  Businesses of all sorts are frantically advertising for workers, even as the jobless rate for Louisianans jumped to 11.5% in September, from 5.8% in August.

 

Who comes depends in part on who will live in what New New Orleans currently has available:

 

The camp, operated by a New York company called LVI Services, is not much to look at: a row of tractor-trailers crammed with bunks, a long line of portable toilets, a couple of RV’s and three tents with striped roofs. Gun-packing guards wear black T-shirts reading, “Police.”

 

It is a temporary home for hundreds of LVI’s workers, some of whom said they were in the United States illegally. They are commuting into New Orleans, swabbing the mold off walls, ripping the guts out of buildings, removing mountains of soggy debris.

 

In some places, the workers are creating spontaneous communities:

 

There are less formal living arrangements, too. On the west side of City Park, in the north part of New Orleans, campers are parked next to forklifts, tents have sprouted next to dump trucks and hammocks are slung next to front-end loaders. Judging by the license plates on the trucks, many of the inhabitants appear to be from nearby states.

 

Hooverville_2

Informal settlement, Seattle, Great Depression

They were named “Hoovervilles” in mockery of President Herbert Hoover

 

Why would people come from hundreds of miles around and then choose to live in minimally acceptable housing?

 

One man, a Honduran who said he was afraid to give his real name, said he wanted nothing more than to return to Houston, where he had lived for six months. But he did not have enough money after sending most of his last paycheck back to his family.

 

In a word, remittances.  When the family is in one place and the job another, the breadwinner goes where the job is and voluntarily chooses a dormitory-style minimal (or worse) accommodation.   Today remittances are among Mexico’s biggest sources of US foreign exchange.  As a result of this sudden demand for basic accommodations, nowheres become new towns:

 

In Kenner, just west of New Orleans, the City Council has passed an emergency ordinance to try to regulate workers’ trailers and tents that have mushroomed all over the city.

 

Does this mean a new ethnically different poverty will reconcentrate?  Possibly. 

 

Meanwhile, as the Federal government fails to grasp the opportunity to create a viable strategic plan, Mayor Ray Nagin continues to make asinine and irresponsible statements:

 

The backlash was fueled by New Orleans‘ African-American mayor, C. Ray Nagin, who recently uttered remarks deemed offensive by some.

“How do I make sure New Orleans is not overrun with Mexican workers?” Nagin asked at an October forum with business people as he discussed the city’s future.

 

Way to throw out the Welcome Mat, mayor.

 

NO_mayor

Mexico’s that way, fellas.”

 

[Previous posts on New Orleans here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, and here.]

 

 

 

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